By Alfred Rosmer
How did it take place, how might it were that the get together of revolu-
tion which used to be to steer towards the liberation of guy, towards a classless
society, progressively sank into the mire of a totalitarian regime? used to be
Leninism accountable for Stalinism? Did Stalin proceed what Lenin
left off? It was once to respond to such questions that Alfred Rosmer set out
to write Moscou Sous Lenine. confident that the prior determines the
present, that "in order to maneuver ahead one needs to locate one's street of
yesterday," Rosmer went again to the years 1920-1924, and retraced
the occasions of the fast post-revolutionary interval of which he
was one of many shut witnesses.
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Extra info for Moscow under Lenin
Ivan, sitting near me, said: 'That's Bukharin ... ' My other neighbour, who had heard his remark, turned to me and added: 'It's a pity you weren't here yesterday when your friends Cachin and Frossard appeared before the central committee of the Party. It was Bukharin who reminded them of their chauvinism and their treachery during the war. ' I said, 'tears come easily to him. ' At this time Radek was the secretary of the Communist International. He read out a statement dealing with the trade-union question; this was the principal topic for the meeting, which explained the presence of Lozovsky, who didn't belong to the Executive Committee of the Communist International, but who was the author of the text under discussion.
Town and countryside are with us,' he said; 'the workers follow our calls. The peasants are no less keen; in many rural communes, the mayors have replaced the portraits of the King in the town-halls with pictures of Lenin. We have the strength; we have it so absolutely that no one, friend or foe, would think of disputing it. ' This was indeed the great problem for 22 1920 workers of all countries. Here it was more urgent than anywhere else. 2 I had just made some new acquaintances, but I had some older ones in Milan itself.
Masaryk - the great 28 1920 man - was clearly and openly hostile to Bolshevism and the October Revolution. The convoy of Czech prisoners that the Soviet government had permitted to return through Siberia and Vladivostok had suddenly turned against it, and gone to join Kolchak as reinforcements. All I was able to arrange was a meeting with some socialist journalists. They belonged to the left, and there was a sharp struggle within the Party. The leadership wanted to maintain the coalition established during the war between the national bourgeoisie of Masaryk and Benes and the Social Democratic Party, despite the criticisms of a strong opposition which demanded a break and a return to socialist politics based on the class struggle.