Morphological length and prosodically defective morphemes by Eva Zimmermann

By Eva Zimmermann

This publication investigates the phenomenon of morphological size manipulation: adjustments in segmental size that can't be defined by means of phonological ability by myself yet crucially depend on morphological details. Eva Zimmermann presents a unified theoretical account of those phenomena by means of making an allowance for all attainable prosodically faulty morpheme representations and their capability results at the ensuing surface Read more...

summary:

This booklet examines particular sound adjustments that can not be defined by means of phonological potential by myself yet crucially depend on morphological details. It bargains a unified theoretical account of these Read more...

Show description

By Eva Zimmermann

This publication investigates the phenomenon of morphological size manipulation: adjustments in segmental size that can't be defined by means of phonological ability by myself yet crucially depend on morphological details. Eva Zimmermann presents a unified theoretical account of those phenomena by means of making an allowance for all attainable prosodically faulty morpheme representations and their capability results at the ensuing surface Read more...

summary:

This booklet examines particular sound adjustments that can not be defined by means of phonological potential by myself yet crucially depend on morphological details. It bargains a unified theoretical account of these Read more...

Show description

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Extra info for Morphological length and prosodically defective morphemes

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4 For example, in Grimes (), faithfulness to the weight of the final syllable is high-ranked and lengthening of the penultimate syllable is predicted in Alabama. ✐ ✐ ✐ ✐ ✐ ✐ OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 27/2/2017, SPi ✐ ✐ Previous accounts: MLM as an epiphenomenon  Svenonius (2012) thus assume that the representation for the intensive contains two morphemic moras that are suffixed. 4). And then there are various examples where mora affixes are assumed to capture empirical generalizations but where no explicit analysis is presented.

In principle, nasal insertion and gemination are hence the preferred strategies to realize the affix mora. On the other hand, ∗ CC penalizing complex syllable margins, No-NT penalizing nasals adjacent to voiceless consonants, and No-VG penalizing voiced geminates are taken to be undominated in Shizuoka Japanese and make certain realization strategies for the morphemic mora impossible for certain bases. More specifically, ∗ CC excludes nasal insertion for bases starting with a closed syllable (5-iii-b) whereas NoNT excludes nasal insertion for bases with a voiceless consonant following the first vowel (5-ii-b).

In contrast to the reduplication in Tangale, Samala reduplication follows from affixing a heavy syllable that already contains two moras. The realization of the additional prosodic structure is consequently ensured via Max-μ. The analysis is based on the assumption of stratal OT as well. In a standard parallel OT system, the same opacity problem arises that was already discussed for moras: for an input where no underlying syllable is present, the affix syllable is simply assumed to dominate base material and hence no surface effect is predicted.

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