By Ana Arregui, Maria Luisa Rivero, Andres Salanova
This quantity explores the linguistic expression of modality in common language from a cross-linguistic viewpoint. Modal expressions give you the easy instruments that permit us to dissociate what we are saying from what's truly happening, permitting us to speak about what may perhaps ensue or may have occurred, in addition to what's required, fascinating, or accepted.
Chapters within the booklet exhibit that modality contains many extra syntactic different types and degrees of syntactic constitution than ordinarily assumed. the quantity distinguishes among 3 different types of modality: 'low modality', which matters modal interpretations linked to the verbal and nominal cartographies in syntax; 'middle modality', or modal interpretation linked to the syntactic cartography inner to the clause; and 'high modality', when it comes to the left outer edge. It combines cross-linguistic discussions of the extra widely-studied assets of modality with analyses of novel or unforeseen assets, and exhibits how the meanings linked to the 3 kinds of modality are discovered throughout quite a lot of languages.
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Additional resources for Modality Across Syntactic Categories
As a result, we still do not have a clear understanding of the extent to which the expression of modal notions is comparable or varies across categories. Moving beyond modal auxiliaries, a considerable amount of semantic literature has been devoted in recent years to the study of modal indefinites. These are existential determiners or determiner phrases that convey a modal component (see AlonsoOvalle and Menéndez-Benito 2013b for a recent overview). Consider the sentence in (1), which features the Spanish modal indefinite algún (Alonso-Ovalle and MenéndezBenito 2003, 2008, 2010).
Von Fintel (2000) and Kratzer (2005), we modeled domain restrictions by means of subset selection functions (which take a set and return one of its subsets). Our proposed denotation for algún is in (35): algún takes as arguments a subset selection function f and two functions of type e, t , P and Q, and is defined only if f (P) is not (the characterizing function of) a singleton set. λP e,t : |f (P)| > 1. ∃x[f (P)(x) & Q(x)] ✐ ✐ ✐ ✐ ✐ ✐ OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 25/1/2017, SPi ✐ ✐ Epistemic indefinites The anti-singleton constraint triggers a pragmatic competition with alternative assertions that range over singleton domains.
Ka docchi-mo docchi-ka Wh-ka indeterminates come in different types, depending on how the restriction of their domain of quantification is syntactically realized. In examples (7) and (8), the restriction of the domain of quantification seems to be conveyed lexically by the whword. While nani ‘what’ restricts the domain to non-humans in (7), dare ‘who’ restricts the domain to humans in (8). As we see in (6), different wh-words can quantify over different types of entities. In contrast with the examples in (7) and (8), in the examples in (9–11) a noun contributes the (additional) restriction.