Italian Unification: A Study in Ancient and Modern by Henrik Mouritsen

By Henrik Mouritsen

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By Henrik Mouritsen

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3 Cf. g. Badian (1958) 143, Salmon (1967) 304, Galsterer (1976) 101-04. g. W. Chr. (Munich 1968) 117-25, Sherwin-White (1973) 119-33, Galsterer (1976) 101-04, Th. Hantos, Das römische Bundesgenossensystem in Italien (Munich 1983) 150-81, D. W. Baronowski, 'Sub umbra foederis aequi', Phoenix 44 (1990) 345-69. 5 The nature of the formula togatorum and the way it worked are matters of dispute. 7 Therefore the Italian system of alliances did not resemble anything like a state-structure. Nor did it provide a framework for direct Roman intervention in the internal affairs of the Italians: so long as they fulfilled their military obliga­ tions to Rome, we have no reason to believe that Rome could claim such a right.

Eine Biographie, I-IV (Frankfurt a. M. 1959-80). See C. Gehrcke, Theodor Mommsen als schleswig-holsteinischer Publizist (Breslau 1927). Cf. G. G. Iggers, The German Conception of History (Middletown 1968) 119, who summarised the objectives of the liberal historians as: 4a constitutional Rechtsstaat which would guarantee basic individual rights, effectively further the movement toward national unification, and generally follow progressive economic and social policies'. THE MAKING OF SECOND CENTURY ITALY - THEODOR MOMMSEN 25 - that: "...

Later, Mommsen's praise of Sulla's recognition of the Italian enfranchisement is remarkable: '... indem er [Sulla] sich und seine Partei zwang, die Gleichberechtigung aller Italiker vor dem Gesetz anzuerkennen, der wahre und letzte Urheber der vollen staatlichen Einheit Italiens geworden - ein Gewinn, der mit endloser Not und Strömen von Blut dennoch nicht zu teuer erkauft war' (11,373). This highly personal model raises numerous questions, concerning its intrinsic logic and the relationship between the individual components and the actual evidence.

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