By Ian Hutchby, Jo Moran-Ellis
A textual content which addresses the connection among youth, competence and the social arenas of motion during which little ones dwell their lives. Taking factor with the view that youngsters are in simple terms apprentice adults, the members improve an image of youngsters as powerfuble, subtle social brokers, targeting the contexts which either permit and constrain that competence.
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Extra resources for Children And Social Competence: Arenas of Action
Related to this is a third important arena of action: what is described in Part III of this volume as ‘institutional knowledge’. This refers both to the ways in which the adult-defined discourses of social institutions may function to constrain and construct children in institutional terms; and to the types of alternative and possibly oppositional knowledge deployed by children in articulating the cultural spaces of social institutions with their own, more or less autonomous spaces for action. In her paper comparing children as actors in both home and school environments, Mayall (1994b) outlines two distinctive models of the child which emerge in these different settings.
However, as Thornborrow (this volume) observes, most of it is still couched within a developmental framework, in which children are seen as passing through stages marked by factors such as the increasing sophistication of sentence structures and the growing ability to engage in more complex interactional sequences. Goodwin (1990) is critical of the way that a great deal of the sociolinguistic research on children’s communicative competence has restricted itself to studying children in interaction with adults: either in the nursery, the classroom or the family setting.
The normative and normalizing construction of familialized childhood provides the cultural common-sense through which childhoods, children’s lives and the actual conditions of their living are described and assessed in the Western world. The standpoint methodology aims to question this ruling of childhood through family and suggests that we begin from the everyday locations of real active children and ‘look upwards’ from there, to detect how children’s social relations are actually structured along a generational axis.