1914 by Luciano Canfora

By Luciano Canfora

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By Luciano Canfora

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Abbiamo detto, l’assemblea nazionale costituente e poi il parlamento della Repubblica tedesca producono una commissione d’inchiesta che lentamente, attraverso un faticoso iter, approda alla conclusione che una prevalente responsabilità tedesca non c’è stata. Questa conclusione risulta conveniente, gradita, confacente all’ala più tradizionalista. L’ala più tradizionalista – dello schieramento politico e culturale tedesco – tende a ridimensionare le responsabilità del proprio paese nello scoppio del conflitto.

Per impedire che la reazione serba raggiungesse immediatamente la Russia con ancora il ministro francese a Pietroburgo. L’ambasciatore Giesl, ben consapevole del senso di questo ritardo – certe volte nella storia il ritardo di un’ora può essere addirittura decisivo – delibera di portare questo ultimatum, o «comunicazione avente un termine di tempo» alle ore 6, alle ore 18 del pomeriggio. Questo per rendere impossibili, evidentemente, dei contatti – sia pure in extremis – a caldo con il ministro Poincaré, ancora a Pietroburgo.

Curioso che si parli così serenamente di piani di guerra elaborati già dal 1905, ma è sintomatico. Ciò vuol dire – cosa che non va mai dimenticata quando si studia questo periodo storico – che la cosiddetta lunga pace era in realtà un lungo prepararsi al conflitto. 1905, abbiamo detto. Il piano tedesco prendeva nome dal capo di stato maggiore dell’epoca, che si chiamava Schlieffen, il «piano Schlieffen». Era stato elaborato in quell’anno, non a caso, perché è l’anno in cui la Russia è particolarmente in difficoltà: la guerra col Giappone è cominciata l’anno prima, 1904, dura ancora, e si complica – per così dire – con la rivoluzione scoppiata a Pietroburgo, la rivoluzione appunto del 1905; quindi è un momento nel quale lo stato maggiore tedesco si pone la questione di approfittare delle difficoltà del grande vicino, ed elabora piani di guerra che possono entrare in funzione anche a distanza di anni.

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